The Feminist Movement: Reclaiming the Body and Reshaping Healthcare

 Beyond patient associations, another powerful movement has driven a profound shift in how individuals, particularly women, relate to their bodies and health: the feminist movement. Rooted in the social upheavals of May 1968 and the broader movement for social and sexual liberation, this movement found a key organizational structure in the Mouvement pour la Liberté de l'Avortement et de la Contraception (MLAC). Created in April 1973, the MLAC brought together individuals from family planning organizations, members of the Confédération française démocratique du travail (CFDT), the Groupe information santé (GIS) – composed of activist physicians – and individuals from across civil society (Zancarini-Fournel, 2003).

The Groupe information santé (GIS) was a collective of primarily Parisian left-wing physicians that emerged in the context of the Algerian and Vietnam wars. Dr. Annie Ferrey-Martin, an anesthesiologist at the Grenoble University Hospital Center, along with medical students, became the first physician to travel to London for training in the Karman method, named after the American activist psychologist (1924-1984). This method involves aspirating the uterine contents using a cannula and syringe. In contrast to curettage, it is simpler to perform and had the advantage of being usable by experienced women outside the medical profession (Pavard, 2009).The adoption of this method by French activist physicians in 1972 marked the beginning of active advocacy concerning abortion, which led to their being labeled as a criminal organization by the French Order of Physicians.

The Karman method, due to its accessibility, facilitated a move away from the medical system and, simultaneously, the patriarchal system. It also broadened the range of settings where abortions could be performed, with a deliberate effort to avoid environments reminiscent of operating rooms – white walls, medical gowns. Often, these procedures took place in the apartments of women who had previously had abortions or in the homes of activists. Symbolically, this shift empowered women to become active subjects in their own health, claiming experiential knowledge as valuable as that of the medical establishment. By connecting within a network, women who had undergone abortions realized that their experiences were not isolated and felt compelled to join the fight for other women. This method enabled a reclamation of the woman's body. During the procedure, women could observe their cervix using a mirror and even participate in the care by inserting the cannula themselves. Open communication about the procedure was maintained between the woman having the abortion, the person performing it, and those providing support. Chemical anesthesia was replaced by emotional and relational support. Abortions were always performed by a team that included the practitioner and several individuals who supported the woman throughout the process.

The Karman method allowed non-physician women to reclaim agency over the female body by using their own judgment, self-observation, and familiarization with medical tools. The overarching goal was to escape the dominance of male authority and medical expertise, and to gain ownership of their own bodies (Lowy, 2005).

The meeting between Dr. Martin and the Parisian physicians of the GIS to train them in the Karman method was organized by the influential activist Simone Iff (1924-2014) (Duverger, 2015). It was through her energy that the MLAC was founded, uniting forces to challenge traditional ideologies surrounding sexuality, family, and gender relations. It's crucial to remember that abortion was inconceivable at the time, and the only way to obtain one safely was to travel to England or the Netherlands. The 1920 pro-natalist law prohibited abortion and equated all forms of contraception with a crime. Any woman who had an abortion faced trial in the Court of Assizes, and anyone deemed an accomplice could also be prosecuted.

Activism within the MLAC drew inspiration from women's activism and the civil rights movement for Black people in the United States. This form of activism relied on meetings to foster a collective understanding of individual problems, creating "consciousness-raising" groups where women discussed their intimate experiences and sexuality. A significant number of the women involved were potential activists, as the issues of contraception and abortion often resonated with painful personal experiences. This experience transcended social classes, because even though women from privileged backgrounds had the means to obtain abortions abroad, they still experienced it as a traumatic ordeal.

In June 1973, the government proposed a law on abortion, and in 1974, Simone Veil (1927-2017), then Minister of Health under President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, legalized contraception.

The reclamation of lay knowledge by women is often embodied in another concept brought forth by feminist theories: "care." Domestic work, monitoring diet, sleep, and exercise, and caring for elderly individuals are all elements that constitute "care." This implies a broadening of the notion of care to encompass all activities aimed at sustaining and maintaining life. The English-language distinction between "care" and "cure" is particularly relevant here.

Effective collaboration between laypersons and professionals is essential for restoring health or navigating illness in daily life. On this subject, A. Strauss was among the first sociologists to identify this close collaboration. He integrated the work of laypersons and professionals under the term "groups and sequences of tasks." The totality of different groups and sequences of tasks partly shapes the trajectory of illness. He demonstrates how many individuals outside the medical profession play a major role in a patient's journey.

The volume of care work varies, reaching its peak, for example, when a child has a chronic illness like cystic fibrosis. This care work, often unrecognized by society, has historically been and continues to be primarily performed by women. The strong tradition of male dominance largely explains this unequal distribution of tasks. Women bear the responsibility for managing and promoting family health, acting as intermediaries between the family and healthcare professionals. Pierre Aiach³⁷ showed in 2001 how, through early childhood education, girls internalize this social law – habitus – and reproduce it in the domestic family sphere.

With the increased demand for labor in businesses, women became less available for caregiving at home. It became necessary to delegate these tasks to individuals outside the family, and this delegated work became legally and economically recognized. This socialization of care tasks partially explains the preponderance of women in personal care services.

The feminist movement's fight for bodily autonomy and the recognition of "care" has profoundly reshaped our understanding of health and the roles within it. To discover how Sylvana AI contributes to a more equitable and collaborative healthcare experience, visit our website: sylvanaai.com

Footnotes:

33. Zancarini-Fournel, M. (2003). Le sexe de la révolte: Nancy 1976-1982. Syllepse.
34. Pavard, B. (2009). Modernisation et contraception dans la France du XXe siècle. Armand Colin.
35. Lowy, I. (2005). L'invention du malade: science et identité sociale. Presses universitaires de France.
36. Duverger, C. (2015). Simone Iff: une vie pour le droit à l'avortement. Calmann-Lévy.
37. Aiach, P. (2001). Le corps et le travail. Armand Colin.